Wednesday, 24 December 2014

What the shitting hell has my home got to do with public health?



Well established links between poor housing and poor health indicate that housing improvement can be an important mechanism through which investment can lead to health improvement. Interventions to upgrade the housing fabric typically involve substantial changes to housing and may affect exposure to a range of potential hazards. For example, energy efficiency measures may result in improved warmth, elimination or containment of mould or damp and improved air-quality as well as reduced fuel costs.

In addition, associated socio-economic factors may impact the potential for health improvement and housing improvement. Therefore, improved housing conditions may be regarded as an intervention which impacts on the well-established link between poverty and poor health.

Housing investment which improves thermal comfort in the home can lead to health improvements, especially where the improvements are targeted at those with inadequate warmth and those with chronic respiratory disease.

Best available evidence indicates that housing which is an appropriate size for the householders and is affordable to heat is linked to improved health and may promote improved social relationships within and beyond the household. In addition, there is some suggestion that provision of adequate, affordable warmth may reduce absences from school or work.


Temperature & Energy efficiency

The evidence for England shows the majority of excess winter deaths occurring in those aged 75 and over, with the greatest number among women aged 85 and over. A report linked to the English House Conditions Survey found a relative risk for those aged 85 and over of 1.28 (1.13 to 1.46) compared to those aged 0-44 (Wilkinson P et al. 2001)

The main causes of excess mortality and morbidity in the winter season are cardio-respiratory disease (including CHD, cerebrovascular disease, asthma and COPD). Increases in disease rates and exacerbations of chronic conditions will inevitably put extra stress on health and social care services.

Evans et al (2000) found that people unable to “keep their house warm enough most of the time” where more likely to use outpatient departments (OR 2.1, 95% CI 1.4 – 3.3) and visit the GP four or more times (OR 1.80, 95% CI 1.2 – 2.7). Clinch & Healy (2000) compared winter related mortality in Ireland with that in Norway and found and that cardiovascular and respiratory disease is higher in Ireland (2.1 and 1.4 times that in Norway respectively). This difference they believe is related to poorer housing conditions in Ireland. Additionally there has been an observed greater improvement in self-reported health in housing improvement intervention groups compared to the control groups (proportion reporting self-reported health improved since intervention 29% versus 13%) (Braubach 2008).

Paradoxically, it has been found that that the gradient for levels of excess winter mortality is at its highest in countries with the mildest winters and lowest in the coldest countries (WHO 2005), indicating that housing in the warmer countries is poorly suited to cold weather.

There is some evidence that, below 15°C, cold is a risk factor in increasing asthma severity and COPD and may also delay recovery after discharge from hospital (Howden-Chapman 2004). Further studies, including households where at least one member had a diagnosed respiratory condition, among children (Howden-Chapman 2008) and adults (Howden-Chapman 2007), reported statistically significant lower levels of fair or poor health among the intervention group compared with the control group (OR 0.48, 95%CI 0.31 to 0.74, children; OR 0.50, 95% CI0.38 to 0.68, adults).  Furthermore, a European wide study by Analitis et al (2008) showed that a 1°C decrease in temperature was associated with the following mortality risks:

All natural deaths : 1.35% (95% CI: 1.16, 1.53)
Cardiovascular death: 1.72% (95% CI: 1.44, 2.0)
Respiratory death: 3.30% (95% CI: 2.61, 3.99)
Cerebrovascular death: 1.25% (95% CI: 0.77, 1.73)

A study by Jacobsen et al (1999) of hip fracture incidence among women aged 45 years and older found that the risk of hip fracture was increased on days with snow or freezing rain. However, among women aged 75 years and older, the effect of ice and snow were not strongly related to fracture occurrence. Similarly a study of hip fracture by Levy et al (1998) reported freezing rain as a particular risk factor and that the association of cold weather with hip fracture was stronger among younger men and women than for older persons.

It is likely then that the risks for hip fracture are greater in younger adults because of activity patterns, i.e. working age adults are more likely to go out in inclement conditions than older adults.

There is a common assumption that rural populations are more likely to be at risk of cold exposure and hence of cold-related mortality and morbidity, however, there is little evidence to support this. For example, a recent time-series analyses using national (English) data linked to small-area markers of urban-rural status have also shown no clear evidence of association between rurality and cold-related mortality or morbidity (Hajat et al 2013).

Hajat et al (2013) also found no evidence of effect modification of the cold-risk by area-level measures of deprivation. In fact they actually found that the most deprived quintile was associated with the lowest point estimate of cold-related relative risk. This is consistent with findings from similar studies into deprivation and cold related deaths. This is likely due to the conditions of housing stock varying with deprivation; people from more deprived areas will be more likely live in social housing built to good standards, whereas people in more affluent areas will typically live in older housing with poorer thermal efficiency.
It is not only the cold that can impact on a person’s health. During the heat wave in southern England in 2003 the temperature reached over 30°C for 10 days, this resulted in 1,599 deaths, 82% of which were in the over 75’s and of these 33% occurred in their own home (ONS 2006). Kaiser et al (2001) found an increased risk of heat related illness for the mentally ill and Kilbourne et al (1982) found and increased risk of heatstroke (both fatal and non-fatal) for those unable to care for themselves.

In a review of the literature Basu & Samet (2002) found that excessive heat (greater than 20°C) can lead to increased mortality from cardiovascular, respiratory and cerebrovascular diseases. Naughton et al (2002) examined data from a heat wave in Chicago in 1999 and found that, for heat related deaths, the strongest risk factors where living alone (OR=8.1; 95% confidence interval, 1.4 – 48.1) and not leaving home (OR=5.8; 95% CI, 1.5 – 22.0) whilst the strongest preventative factor was having working air conditioning (OR=0.2; 95% CI, 0.1 – 0.7) (Naughton et al. 2002).


Other housing impacts on health (not temperature related)

Although temperature is not significantly related to injuries, many people, especially older people, may not have sufficient physical control to negotiate stairs and so have a high risk of a fall. In a sample of 310 non-disabled older adults, more than 45% reported difficulties in climbing stairs, and about 36% reported difficulties in stair descent (Verghese et al. 2008).

Overcrowding and inadequate ventilation can increase moisture in the interior atmosphere. Damp houses provide a nurturing environment for mites, roaches, respiratory viruses, and moulds, all of which can lead to an increased likelihood of respiratory infection and, in extreme cases, encourage the transmission of tuberculosis (Krieger & Higgins 2002).

Domestic conditions are more strongly related to depression in women than any other socio-economic factor with a relative risk of malaise of 4.00, lowest compared to highest domestic conditions (Bartley et al. 1992). Crowding has been associated with psychological distress among women (Krieger & Higgins 2002) for both high (1 - 1.5 persons per room) and low (<0.5 persons per room) densities (Gabe & Williams 1986). Whilst there is little evidence to suggest overcrowding has an impact on men’s mental health, this is not the same as saying no such effect exists.

Although overcrowding has been linked to a child mental health this is thought to be a confounder in analysis regarding damp or mould housing conditions. Whilst overcrowding can lead to damp or mouldy conditions it is not the overcrowding itself that leads to poor physical/mental health in children (Platt et al. 1989).

Long-term noise exposure has been associated with an elevated risk of cardiovascular disease   (Babisch et al. 2005; Willich et al. 2006) and an inability to cope with noise can lead to additional emotional stress (WHO 2005) and prevalence ratios for hypertension between high and low noise groups range from 0 to 3.1. The relative risk for hypertension in adults has been found to be increased by continuous and strong noise annoyance by approximately 40 % in the European cities (WHO 2005).

Whilst an association with air traffic noise exposure and hypertension has been found to be statistically significant RR5 dB(A) =1.26 (95% CI 1.14 – 1.39), a positive association with road traffic and myocardial infarction and ischemic heart disease was not. Babisch et al (2005) found an odds ratio for exposure to sound levels of more than 70 dB(A) during the day was 1.3 (95% CI 0.88 – 1.8) compared with those where the sound level did not exceed 60 dB(A).





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